It’s civil war in CBI, credibility crisis deepens

Whether you have in your hands an empire, a tribe, a family, or a servant, you deploy your talent as a tyrant, glorious or absurd: a whole world or a single person obeys your orders. Thus is established the series of calamities which rise from the need, the thirst to excel…We jostle none but satraps: each of us – according to his means – seeks out a host of slaves or is content with just one.

E M Cioran / A Short History of Decay

The Romanian philosopher E M Cioran, known for his philosophical pessimism, never had CBI in mind when he wrote his analysis on humankind’s decadence in 1949. But the agency, which has its birth in 1941 and assumed the latest name on 1 April, 1963 through a Ministry of Home Affairs resolution, went through a “series of calamities” since its inception as the political masters, or those “tyrants” in the South Block where the Prime Minister’s Office is located, deployed those “single person” who obeys their orders from time to time. Ironically, public put a lot of weight behind this “caged parrot that speaks in master’s voice”, as Supreme Court put it in March 2013, from time to time.

It’s nothing new that the CBI is in the midst of controversies, allegations and counter-allegations but agency watchers may be surprised at how it stooped to this nadir so fast. The last ten years or so had seen so many downs in its history. The past couple of years witnessed the CBI even challenging the speed of light in its descent. It saw two of its former Directors A P Shah and Ranjit Sinha, both appointed during Congress-led UPA era, facing FIRs filed by the agency and its current top-two – Director Alok Verma and Special Director Rakesh Asthana – nose-dived into leading a factional fight that has further eroded the already fragile credibility of the country’s premier investigating agency.

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If Singh and Sinha face cases of corruption and fixing investigations after their retirement, it is curious to note that both Verma and Asthana accuse each other of bribery to settle cases while in office itself. Asthana faces a CBI FIR while Verma is now facing a probe by Central Vigilance Commission (CVC) on a complaint filed by the former. Interestingly, the common thread in all these cases is controversial meat exporter Moin Qureshi, who faces multiple probes by investigating agencies like CBI, Enforcement Directorate and Income Tax Department. Incidentally, a perception is gaining ground that the government has put its weight behind Asthana, whom Verma says is being investigated in at least half-a-dozen cases.

The government faces serious questions of inaction and silence as it looked the other way when the top officers fought each other. It need to be known what the government or the CVC did convincingly about Verma’s allegations on Asthana. Despite being the No 2 officer in the premier investigating agency, the government did not find it fit to remove the clouds over Asthana. The public has the right to know whether Verma was right or wrong on Asthana. Had it investigated Verma’s motives in case these allegations were motivated? The government failed in controlling the officers and landed the CBI in an insurmountable situation. It is interesting to note that Verma has taken on Asthana fully knowing he has the backing of the political leadership.

The latest episode of high drama within CBI has its seeds in the succession drama after Anil Sinha retired as CBI boss on 2 December, 2016. The NDA government wanted Asthana, a 1984-batch IPS officer of Gujarat cadre considered a blue-eyed boy of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and BJP president Amit Shah, as the CBI chief. It shunted out Asthana’s senior and potential candidate R K Dutta, who later became Director General of Police in Karnataka, to Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) and appointed him as acting CBI Director. This was was immediately challenged in Supreme Court by an NGO Common Cause on the ground that the high-powered Selection Committee of the Prime Minister, Leader of Opposition and Chief Justice of India was not convened to select the new boss. It also raised allegations of corruption against him.

Government sources then indicated that this was part of the strategy to elevate Asthana and blunt any opposition to his appointment. The irony was that Anil Sinha’s retirement was not an out-of-the-blue event but the government chose not to convene the meeting before his super-annuation. As pressure mounted on the government, it changed its plan and announced the appointment of the then Delhi Police Commissioner Alok Verma as CBI chief. Government insiders claimed that Verma was chosen as he was non-controversial and that they felt he will not rock the boat. They also felt Asthana could run the show with the backing of the Prime Minister’s Office. Incidentally, Congress’ Leader in Lok Sabha Mallikarjun Kharge had opposed Verma’s appointment in the Selection Committee citing his inexperience in CBI.

However, the so-far silent Verma felt the heat soon after he joined the agency as Asthana is said to have blocked elevation of some officers as Joint Directors. Verma did not lie low and immediately gave Joint Director A K Verma, another Gujarat cadre officer who is at logger heads with Asthana, the charge of policy division, a crucial unit in CBI. The seeds for the future battles have already been sown. Both sides were looking for opportunities to target each other. Verma’s supporters said Asthana never left any opportunity to belittle his chief. As the battle raged, Verma replugged the allegations against him Asthana. An opportunity was waiting for Verma as the issue of promotions came up before the CVC. Asthana was a contender for the Special Director post, the virtual number 2 in the agency. But Verma has other plans. He submitted a “secret note” to the CVC about the allegations against Asthana, including surfacing of his name in a diary recovered during an investigation which recorded payments made to people. However, the CVC did not find any merit in this and promoted Asthana. Verma had lost this round of battle in October 2017.

The war was simmering and once again in July, Verma wrote to the CVC informing it that Asthana cannot represent the Director in his absence during meetings called to deliberate on induction of officers into the CBI. Sources said one of Verma’s contention was that Asthana was facing allegations and he could not be part of the deliberations on appointments. Verma also took on the CVC for not giving the CBI not enough time to do due diligence checks on officers being proposed for induction.

Asthana was furious. The very next month, he filed a detailed complaint against Verma levelling several serious charges – from taking a Rs two crore bribe from one Satish Sana who is allegedly linked to controversial meat exporter Moin Qureshi to attempting to stall a raid against RJD chief Lalu Prasad. The CBI issued an unprecedented press release rebutting the charges and made public that Asthana was facing investigation in at least half-a-dozen cases. Verma retaliated on October 15 by giving nod to register an FIR on charges of forging the statement of Sana. Asthana’s team member DySP Devender Kumar was arrested with the CBI telling a court that extortion is being done at the behest of investigations.

As the ‘civil war’ in CBI spilled over to public domain, the government was at a loss on how to control the situation. Last Tuesday as things were going out of hand, the CVC first met to consider the developments and recommended sending Verma and Asthana on leave. The government machinery went on an overdrive late evening, issuing orders to that effect and appointing an interim chief M Nageshwar Rao, who took over the office in the dead of night and immediately sealing the officers of his superiors and transferring officials probing Asthana. Reports suggested that National Security Advisor Ajit Doval was in the thick of things. While appointing Rao, the government chose to ignore A K Sharma, who has supposedly aligned with Verma. Soon after his appointment was made public, allegations of misuse of office and corruption surfaced against Rao, who is considered close to a senior RSS functionary and a votary of Hindutva politics.

The drama did not end with Verma and Asthana later approaching the Supreme Court. The CVC has also lost a bit of sheen as the Supreme Court has now asked it to complete the probe against Verma within ten days under the supervision of a former Supreme Court judge. The latest incident of Intelligence Bureau officials being picked up by Verma’s Personal Security Officers and claims of snooping have not added to the image of the government or the agencies. The optics are too bad for the government and the CBI.

(An edited version appeared in Deccan Herald’s Spotlight on Oct 28, 2018)

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Where are Dalits, Muslims in CPM?

CPI(M)’s failure to include a Dalit in its Polit Bureau during its 54 years of existence has invited charges of deliberate exclusion of a group that makes the bulk of the party, which leaders vehemently deny.

The leaders feel the reason for Dalits, youth or minorities not rising to top tyres of leadership lies in the paltry allowances, which is even lower than Rs 5,000 in some states and that too not paid in time. That is why some of them is raising the demand for a re-look at the pay structure and ensure at least the minimum wages the party demand for unskilled worker for its whole-timers.

The lower representation of these communities in the central leadership and even in Polit Bureau has come up for mention in the Hyderabad Party Congress and the Political Organisation Report castigates the state units for providing inadequate wages for whole-timers.

A senior CPI(M) leader said one could find Dalits and Muslims in leadership positions at the lower level but when it comes to top level, it becomes meagre. The leader claimed at least two-third in the leadership in lower level committees constitute Dalits and OBCs but when it comes to central leadership, it start falling.

The party leadership believes that the issue lies in the allowances it pays to the whole-timers and most of them from the Dalit or minority communities not economically well-off, they cannot become whole timers, which is a pre-requisite for rising the leadership ladder. “Are we giving them enough money to sustain? That has to change. Without this, it is difficult for an underprivileged person to rise to the top leadership level. We need to change this situation,” he said.

The issue did come in some of the speeches in Party Congress, which pointed out about the paltry salaries and non-payment for months, and the Political Organisation Report did some plain speaking. It said in some states, wages are not paid regularly and there are arrears in payment.

One of its strongest units, Kerala has decided to increase the wages from Rs 5,000 to Rs 7,500 while Maharashtra unit pays Rs 5,000.

 

(An edited version appeared in Deccan Herald on May 1, 2018)

Myth created by BJP about divided opposition. Where it matters, Oppn is united: Sitaram Yechury

Sitaram Yechury has been re-elected as CPI(M) General Secretary after intense inner-party struggle over the political line his party should take vis-a-vis Congress in the fight against BJP. He has managed to bring the party behind him though the issue of relationship with Congress remained a bone of contention for the past ten months. Yechury talks about present political situation.

sita

India is entering into the election year. Where does the Opposition stands now?

A completely mistaken discourse is taking place now. Election in India is the summation of specifics and not an electoral monolith as a whole. Various parties have various degrees of influences in various parts of the country. It is region-specific and not country-specific. For example in Uttar Pradesh, if SP and BSP come together, neither the Congress nor the Left or anybody else is of much consequence. In Bihar, if the RJD and the Yadav-Muslim combination gel through various political processes, then others are not much of a consequence. In south India, apart from Karnataka, Congress is not the major player. So, what is happening is actually a degree of coming together of various parties at the regional level. You saw the beginning in UP and the bypoll results. You also saw the bypoll result in Bihar. Same is the case with Karnataka. It will be a summation of all these things that is happening at the regional level.

This brings to the question of talks about a Federal Front. How is it different from what you are saying?

We must understand the Indian reality. You look at our own history. I am not going back to the times of Janata Party or VP Singh government. In 1996, the United Front (UF) government was formed after the elections. After the fall of Vajpayee government in 13 days, the UF was formed on the basis of a Common Minimum Programme (CMP) and the Left supported from outside. The Front itself was formed after the elections. In 2004, the UPA came into existence after the elections. There was no UPA before the elections. Again on the basis of a CMP, we extended our support from outside. So that is the Indian reality. It is not mere historical trend.

In such a scenario, who will take leadership role? What role does Congress have?

It depends on post election scenario. In 1996, Congress lost the elections and therefore, it supported the UF from outside. Congress could not enter the government through the back-door. They could not form the government because they did not get the majority. Therefore, others formed the government with Congress supporting from outside. In 2004, Congress was the single largest party among the Opposition. So they led the government. It all finally depends on the numbers. Who will be the leader? It depends on the numbers one gets from the support they receive from people.

Where does CPI(M) stand in these scheme of things?

The CPI(M) scheme of things goes much beyond elections. We are determined to further strengthen our party and our political intervention capacity. Our objective is to consolidate CPI(M) as a revolutionary party with a pan-Indian mass influence. We will work for strengthening the unity of Left forces and forge a unity of left and democratic forces to offer a policy alternative to the people. This will be done through unleashing national popular struggles.

We are clear that the RSS-BJP government has to be ousted. That was the main call of our Party Congress. We have said that we shall not enter into any political alliance with Congress. That has been our historical truth. We were neither part of the UF or UPA governments. As I always said, we do not believe in Intellectual Property Rights (IPR), but if at all there is IPR for outside support, it is CPI(M)’s. The question of entering into any alliance does not exist. At the time of elections, appropriate electoral tactics will be worked out to maximise the anti-BJP votes. For example, in Karnataka, we are contesting 19 seats. We will support the candidates of Left parties wherever they have put candidates. Where the Left is not contesting, the call the party has given is to defeat the BJP. It could be Congress, it could be JD(S), depending on the constituency. Then local party unit will decide. But the call is to defeat the BJP. That is one example. Similarly, we will work out our tactics.

How does that political picture change with the CPI(M) Party Congress now omitting a clause that said there should be no understanding with Congress party?

As far as post poll arrangements are concerned, there can be absolute clarity that we can extend an issue-based support to a non-BJP government. The ‘no understanding’ clause had left the ambiguity whether we will be able to support if the Congress is there. That is the take-away from the Party Congress. That was a bone of contention for 10 months. In the pre-poll scenario, suppose we are going with a regional formation, which has an alliance with Congress. I am looking at the possibility of a scenario of the past. I don’t know about the future. The past is Tamil Nadu. We supported DMK or AIADMK depending on who is supporting the BJP. Now that particular party is already in an alliance with Congress. So no understanding would have created problems. If we are making electoral adjustments with regional parties, the seats we fight, the seats Congress fights, there will be consultations. No understanding means no consultations. Now that ambiguity is also not there.

Does it mean the doors are open for seat adjustments with Congress in some states?

Now, it is all speculation. There are various possibilities. There could be, let’s say, mutual no-contest. There won’t be any joint campaigning. They won’t be entering into any alliance. But say, we contest two-three seats. They don’t put up a candidate. That is one possibility. I am not saying this will happen.

The Opposition move to impeach Chief Justice of India Dipak Misra has been stone-walled. How do you see this situation?

One of the reasons why we are saying that this government should go is that the impunity with which they are destroying all Constitutional authorities and the mechanism that we had in place for seven decades. No confidence motion was not allowed to be tabled and discussed in Lok Sabha itself is a gross violation. For three weeks, it was not allowed. Now rejecting the impeachment motion outright, we think, is a gross irregularity. Because presiding officer of the House does not have the right to decide on the merits of an impeachment motion. That can be done only after an enquiry by a three-member committee as laid down by the Constitution. That committee will give report and if it says that the charges in the petition are untenable, then you reject it. But before going through that process and rejecting it is clearly not merely an overreach of authority but smacks of certain motives. Because once the enquiry committee is put in place and it begins the process, then morally the concerned judge does not have the right to be on a bench or hear a matter.

Only seven of the 18 Opposition parties have signed the impeachment motion? Doesn’t it show that the Opposition is divided?

Division in opposition is again a myth created by the BJP. Where it matters, the opposition is united. SP-BSP is united and it matters in UP. RJD did not sign. Will it stop the unity that is happening in Bihar against BJP. This is also sort of a post-truth society being created. Like creating non-issues as issues of unity and disunity of opposition.

The CPI(M)’s Political Organisation Report placed in Party Congress had said that Tripura results show that CPI(M)’s political, organisational and ideological fight against RSS is “inadequate”. How do you overcome this?

The point is that RSS cannot be defeated through elections alone. If that was the case, for 70 years after Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination, RSS should have been a completely marginalised force. They would not have survived and comeback with this sort of support. There has to be an ideological offensive against them. We also have to defeat their organisational methods. That can only be done through sharpening people mobilisation and struggles against what they espouse as well as their policies when they are in government. That is of first vital importance. Secondly, we need to actually counter their influence in various levels in which they spread their tentacles. They have a tentacle of organisations through which they continuously spread the virus of communalism. All that have to be combated at all levels.

Today, what is happening in our country. How else will you describe the child rapes and the gruesome murders? Nothing else can explain but the complete dehumanising of the Indian society. It is leading to such an irrational extent when even the lawyers are not taking up cases like it happened in Kathua. The ministers who are being sworn under oath of this very Constitution openly talk in terms of violation of the Constitution and protecting criminals. What is happening is ideological attack of irrationality on rationality, it is an ideological attack of unreason on reason. Now this has to be ideologically combated and defeated. Otherwise, mythology can be passed off as history. That is what they are doing. You and I may think what Tripura Chief Minister Biplab Deb said is bad. But when people are subjected to such onslaught, they start accepting it. They are seeking to replace the syncretic Indian history with Hindu mythology, replace the rich pluralistic Indian philosophy with Hindu theology. Every single TV serial talk about obscurantism, religions and religiosity. You start believing the absurd. That is the real danger that has to be combated. They are seeking to replace the syncretic Indian history with Hindu mythology, replace the rich pluralistic Indian philosophy with Hindu theology.

Another observation in the Political Organisation Report is that it is discouraging that the representation of Muslims, Dalits, youths in CPI(M) are declining. How do you address this issue?

What we mean by discouraging is the entry into the leadership positions. That is what is declining and not in terms of their numbers in the party. You should correct that distortion. They are coming in large numbers. You will find Dalits and Muslims in leadership positions at the lower level. But that is not reflected in the leadership at higher levels. It is not happening in the way we would want it to happen. We have two women, two Muslims in the Polit Bureau. But there are no Dalits. Why? 70% of the leadership in states are Dalits and OBCs together. Sometimes it is 90% if you add Muslims to it. But the question is why they are not coming up? This is the serious question we will have to address. There are various reasons. One is the question of economic factor. As party whole-timers, how much we pay, whether they are in a position to maintain their family or not. Normally, the whole timers come into this leadership positions. That is a serious point we will have to address. Otherwise we will have this distortion. Why is it not reflected in the higher leadership? We will have to seriously address this issue. We have to see whether there are any other factors. The desire is that they have to come.

There is a perception that though you have been re-elected, the central leadership is still stacked against you. How do you respond to this?

I don’t see this in terms of a fight between numbers or who is on which side. The point is as a Communist, I have the conviction that my own committees and my own comrades will react to the objective situation. What is the objective situation? What is that we decided at Hyderabad? That is there in black and white. Now the question is to actually implement that, take it forward. Now in that if anybody seeks to create a problem, there is no ambiguity left now. Therefore, with the clarity achieved in Hyderabad, I don’t think there is any question of comrades being on this side or that side. That is why when people said you have won and they have lost, I said nobody has won, nobody has lost. Only party has won. That is the bottom denominator. I sincerely believe the party has won.

(An edited version appeared in Deccan Herald print edition and full text in website in May  2018)

Also read

Sitaram Speaks: https://sheminjoy.wordpress.com/2015/05/04/sitaram-speaks/

There will be winds of change: https://sheminjoy.wordpress.com/2017/02/05/there-will-be-winds-of-change-yechury-on-assembly-polls/

Oppn has to get together with a policy alternative: https://sheminjoy.wordpress.com/2017/12/30/oppn-has-to-get-together-with-a-policy-alternative-yechury/

‘Recruiting preachers in Army turns money minting machine for some’

Recruiting religious teachers in Army has turned a money minting machine for some Army officials but they landed in trouble following an inquiry into anonymous complaints.

It all made easy for the internal investigators in the Army to pin point the suspects as most of the transactions took place through the banking channels. A bribe of at least Rs 15.55 lakh were paid by nine persons, who managed to get the Army job in 2013.

A CBI investigation is on after the agency registered a case on the basis of a complaint from General Office Commanding (Hyderabad) N Srinivas Rao and 12 Armymen, including nine who were recruited as religious teachers, and five private persons are in the dock. Religious teachers are inducted into the Army for spiritual activities in the unit and also to deliver spiritual motivation to the troops.

The CBI said that the Army approached them with a complaint only last Thursday “due to conduct of in-house inquiry which involved summoning civilian witnesses and getting details of bank accounts of all the accused from various parts of the country”.

The recruitment process was dogged with trouble from the beginning after Subedar M N Tripathi, a religious teacher in the Army, was removed from the interview panel after his name cropped up in an input on him indulging in “unfair practices by approaching candidates”.

In his place, another religious teacher Satya Prakash was appointed. However, the complaint that makes part of the FIR claimed, Tripathi did not let the opportunity go by managing to rope in Prakash and another religious teacher MK Pandey to influence the process.

Tripathi is claimed to have given Prakash a list of 20 candidates to be favoured during the recruitment “by asking simple questions and giving maximum marks”.

According to the CBI, Tripathi used the bank accounts of his five neighbours in Uttar Pradesh’s Gorakhpur to collect bribe amount. Pandey used the help of Tripathi to reach out to prospective candidates while the internal Army inquiry is claimed to have found that Prakash collected Rs 14 lakh in his bank account.

(An edited version appeared in Deccan Herald on Apr 27, 2018)

Discouraging that Muslims, youth don’t find us attractive to join: CPM

At a time youth and minority communities are up in arms against the BJP, CPI(M) finds it “discouraging” that the Muslim community and the younger generation do not find it an attractive platform to join.

The inability on its part to attract youth and minorities has puzzled the party and it finds a mention in the Political Organisation Report placed before the ongoing CPI(M) Party in Hyderabad, which started on Wednesday. The triennial conference will end on Sunday.

The party has found some traction among tribals, the report said citing that in states like Maharashtra and Chhattisgarh that have substantial tribal population, their representation has increased. In Maharashtra, the membership of tribals has increased from 15.7% to 22.6% while in Chhattisgarh, the rise is from 20% to 28% between 2015 and 2018.

However, the “picture is discouraging as far as Muslim minority representation is concerned”. The report goes on to say that there was “no improvement” in any of the states except West Bengal where Muslim membership has increased from 7.1% at the time of 21st Party Congress in Vishakhapattinam to 11.3% now.

A senior CPI(M) leader described the situation as “worrisome” because it being a secular party, it sends a message that the minorities do not place trust on the party. “The fight is against the Hindutva party BJP and if their main target does not trust us, then there is some problem,” he said.

The report noted that the decision of party’s Kolkata Plenum in 2015 to improve class and social exposition have not been “pursued seriously”, except in a few cases.

The youth front also gave an unimpressive story as there was “no improvement” in the age exposition of party membership in states like Karnataka. . It was decided to ensure more representation for youth below 31 years in states where their representation was less than 20% of the total membership.

“In fact, there is a decline in those below 31 years like Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, West Bengal, Bihar, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, Madhya Pradesh, Haryana and Odisha between 2015 and 2017,” the report said. On a positive note, it said Kerala with the highest membership has relative good youth representation with 23.45% being below 31 years, which is an improvement over 22.7% in 2015.

On social media presence, the report gave a rosy picture saying its campaign on several issues. While its twitter followers was 6,000 and Facebook followers 60,000 during 2015 Party Conference, it rose to 1.71 lakh on Twitter and 3.40 lakh on Facebook.

 

(An edited version appeared in Deccan Herald on Apr 21, 2018)

‘Politicians leadership sometimes prod police to commit excesses’

In a scathing indictment on political interference, a senior police official in Uttar Pradesh has said that political leadership sometimes prod police forces “to commit excesses” to bring serious law and order problems under control for “their own interests and agendas”.

Deepika Tiwari, a Superintendent of Police, also finds that criminalisation of politics is hindering the pace of police reforms.

She has made these remarks in an article she has written in the recently released ‘The Indian Police Journal’, published by government think-tank Bureau of Police Research and Development (BPRD).

In her article ‘Strengthening Civil Police for Efficient and Humane Policing’, the 2007-batch IPS officer insists that political will is what defines the implementation of police reforms. She argues that until and unless governments feel the need for reforms “not much can be done” and reforms would remain “piecemeal”.

“Criminalisation of politics is a key factor in slowing the pace of police reforms. It leads to undermining the leadership and discipline of the police force. There are several instances where political leaderships across states have used police forces for their own interests and agendas,” Tiwari said.

She then goes on to make an observation about how politicians use certain situations to their advantage at the cost of policing. “It is also seen that police have sometimes been given tacit permission to commit excesses in dealing with serious law and order problems such as terrorism, communal riots, rising crime graph, etc by the political leadership in order to bring the situation under control. The political leadership will have to exercise restraint in its use of police force,” Tiwari said.

While giving a historic perspective of policing in the country, she also mentioned that it was during the Emergency during 1975-77 when the “ills of the police system became obvious” for the first time.

The police excesses during this time sparked a lot of criticism and debate, she said. After the Emergency, she said there have been several instances where police excesses were committed and cited the anti-Sikh riots, Punjab terrorism, Kashmir insurgency, Gujarat riots where police excesses were highlighted.

(An edited version appeared in Deccan Herald on Apr 23, 2018)

CPM opens door to Cong

Junking the line propagated by a faction led by Prakash Karat, the CPI(M) on Friday open doors to an electoral “understanding” with Congress to defeat BJP as delegates found reason with General Secretary Sitaram Yechury’s line.

However, the party will not enter into any political alliance with Congress as per the amended political resolution adopted at the ongoing Party Congress in Hyderabad while allowing seat adjustments with the Rahul Gandhi-led party.

The reversal in stand comes as a huge victory for Yechury, which comes after months of intense inner-party struggle with both the factions pitted against each other. While Bengal unit was supporting Yechury, the Kerala unit was supporting Karat’s line.

The draft resolution, which was cleared by the Karat faction-dominated Central Committee earlier this year, had said that the “main task”of defeating BJP “has to be done without having an understanding or electoral alliance” with the Congress. While not supporting an “alliance” with Congress, Yechury has been arguing that the party should not close its door and be flexible in states where CPI(M) is not strong.

At the Party Congress, the formulation “has to be done without having an understanding or electoral alliance” was omitted. It now reads, “but this has to be done without having a political alliance with the Congress party”.

The scales tilted in favour of Yechury as at least 16 states demanded a secret ballot on political resolution though usually the voting in Party Conference is held by raising of hands. Several delegates felt that many could not vote according to their individual choice as it could go against their state unit’s stand like as that of Kerala.

While delegates from Punjab, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, West Bengal, Maharashtra, Jammu and Kashmir, Goa, Tamil Nadu and Gujarat stood with Yechury and the demand for a secret ballot, many delegates from Karnataka, Uttar Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand and Haryana too toes this line.

This prompted a section of the leadership to find a middle path following which Karat faction accepted to omit the formulation of the draft resolution.

With the triennial conference ending on Sunday, the next battle will be the election to the Central Committee. With the existing Central Committee and Polit Bureau heavily loaded with Karat supporters, it is to be seen whether Yechury gets a panel that goes by his line.

The Political Organisation Report placed before the conference talked about the differences among Polit Bureau members on the political line adopted and it affected the political and organisational interventions.

 

(An edited version appeared in Deccan Herald on Apr 21, 2018)

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