Sitaram Yechury, the new CPI(M) General Secretary, has a tough job at hand at a time his party is electorally or organisationally healthy. He knows it more than anyone else does. On May 3 evening, I sat up with him in AKG Bhavan, the CPI(M) headquarters, on Bhai Veer Singh Marg, for a chat.
Modi government is completing one year. How do you see the government’s performance? Has ‘Ache Din’ come?
No. On the contrary, people are now yearning for ‘ache din’. The burden on people is continuously growing. You have seen the increase in prices of diesel and petrol once again when the international prices are much lower than what they were Modi assumed office. So, I mean, inspite of that, your manufacturing, industrial growth is stagnating. You industry is now saying that they have inventories piled up for another two to three years. The FICCI is making that statement. So all these efforts Modi making to attract new investment, foreign investment, what will they produce and who will they sell? International situation has not improved. Your exports have declined by 26 per cent last year. So you cannot sell abroad what you produce. In India, people’s purchasing power is declining. That is, people who have money do not require buying what this production will produce. People who need to buy, do not have the money, they do not have the disposable income because of price rise. This strategy can never work in the present situation. What needs to be done is not being done but by this government. That is you should mobilise all the tax resources, legally and legitimately. Instead, you are giving huge concessions to the rich and cutting subsidies to the poor. Now these concessions to the rich in the name of encouraging investment cannot produce results for the same reasons. Instead of this, the government should collect these resources and it should invest in the much-needed infrastructure, both social and economic, build our roads, irrigation facilities etc. That will create more jobs. And the youth who are employed in new jobs will spend their salaries. That will be the growth in domestic market, which will be the impetus for manufacturing and industry to grow. That is the growth strategy we require.
There is criticism from within BJP. Arun Shourie has questioned the government’s achievements.
The source of the criticism, I am not willing to comment. The person who is now mounting criticism publicly lobbied to be the Finance Minister, publicly lobbied to be the head of now defunct Planning Commission, publicly wanted to be heading the new Niti Ayog. Now this criticism can be explained, as he has not got anything he wanted. So that there is their internal business. But there is a point in what is being said and that point is what we are saying about the path being followed by Modi. The point we are saying is very clear that India today do not have a lack either of resources or of youth power. Our youth is eager to contribute to creating a better India. What they require is good health, good education and job opportunities. These three and nothing are required. Instead of doing that, what the government is doing is expanding opportunities for foreign and domestic corporates to maximise their profit. That is not going to benefit India.
CPI(M) always faces the question of who is the bigger enemy. Let me put it a different way. So, is Narendra Modi the bigger enemy or Rahul Gandhi?
Politically, the Congress’ economic policies created the discontent, which the BJP utilised for its coming to government. The BJP today is more aggressively pursuing the same policies. So there is no difference between the two. In addition, the BJP is also patronising a very rabid, communal polarisation. It is providing the cover and protection for the RSS and its affiliates to launch all what they are doing like ghar wapsi, love jihad and all. So, this BJP government led by Modi has welded both these into one. Because they are in power, because they have welded both these objectives, they are big danger. But that does not mean, we can have an any alliance or front with Congress because it is their policies that have brought BJP to power. So our attitude is going to be, we have to face this challenge that the BJP is now mounting by welding both these aspects communalism and neo liberal economic policies.
Rahul Gandhi is now making right noises. How do you see his recent activities?
What we have said and done is on issues, which we think are anti-people and anti-country. On these issues, on issue to issue, we will join with all the political forces, which are willing to fight at the level of Parliament and then take it forward. On the Land Bill, for example, we are on the same side with the Congress and other parties. On many of the anti-people issues, we are opposing in the Parliament. On some of the issues, the Congress has supported this government like in Insurance FDI, Mines and Minerals and Coal allocation bills. We have opposed but they have supported. So it depends on which one they are willing to come.
You referred to Land Bill. CPI(M) is raising the issue of land for quite some time. Do you repent the Singur/Nandigram fiasco, which led to party’s defeat in West Bengal?
There were mistakes in the handling of Singur. That we have already accepted. In Nandigram, not an inch of land was acquired or contemplated to be acquired. That was mere propaganda. In Singur, we said there was mistake, we identified them. So that is all on record. But you must remember that we raised the issue of new land acquisition law even before Singur. We were the first political party in the country to say that 1894 act was an antiquated Act. That has to change. Many of the issues we raised have been accepted in the 2013 law. But some were not accepted. For example, we had said that the peasant whose land has been acquired, for 20 years, he will be a stakeholder in the escalation of that land’s value. We had even suggested concretely when the discussion were on with the then UPA government that you give 1/16th of the share of the new project to those who held the land you have taken so that price escalates and they get benefits. That was not accepted. Both BJP and Congress joined to defeat our amendment in Parliament then. The point is in Singur, in retrospect, there were mistakes that could have been avoided. It was wrong that we bypassed it. But there were objective reasons. We won the 2006 election in Bengal. We won it on the slogan of industrialisation. We presumed people supported that because we got a two-third majority. And therefore, we did not do the homework that was necessary to do. Because Singur is not the first or the last land acquisition in Bengal. It had happened before and it is happening subsequently. But in every case, there is a certain homework that was done. The people whose land was being acquired were involved in the process, issues of compensation, rehabilitation. They were all discussed thoroughly. Only with their cooperation and enlistment, the land was acquired. This was bypassed because of the circumstances of those elections. That created a certain resentment, which the opposition used fully.
So electorally, Bengal is your first priority.
Yes, in the sense to revive in Bengal. Now we are happy with the current municipal election results. We are not really happy but we are satisfied. Our slogan was arrest (the decline) and recover. Now, first time since 2009, we have arrested the decline in our vote share. 2009 Lok Sabha elections, 2010 municpal polls, 2011 Assembly polls, 2013 Panchayat polls, 2014 Lok Sabha elections — our vote share declined. This time, the vote share has marginally increased. So that the decline has been arrested. Now, we are concentrating on recovering lost ground and that will be our priority.
Another area of concern seems to the expansion plans in Hindi heartland.
We have plans for Hindi heartland. That will be concretised only after the party Plenum that will be held by the end of year. In the Hindi heartland, we will have specific programmes that on which we reach out to people, on issues like social oppression. On these, there will be special programmes. We will take up these issues and try to forge unity between the struggles on economic issues, which are increasing by the day along with these issues. That is the only way we think we can advance in these areas.
You spoke about youth earlier. CPI(M) is looking at attracting youth. How are you going to do that?
Our USP to the youth is first recognition that the youth today are eager to play an important rule in a national resurgence to create a better India. As I said earlier, that can be only done through alternative policies that can provide the youth. Now, who is the one offering such an alternative? It is only the Left. So that is our basic appeal to the youth. We think and this is borne out by recent developments. Increasingly, the youth are feeling betrayed by Modi government where their aspirations were exploited for BJP’s victory but nothing has been done in that direction. And this is already finding a reflection in anti-incumbency. Within one year, they lost the Delhi elections in such a way. In the last 40 years, I have not seen a government becoming so unpopular within one year and with such a massive mandate, losing Delhi polls the way the lost. And every by-elections, local elections, their vote percentage is on the decline.
You referred to the Delhi polls. There is an argument that AAP has taken over CPI(M)’s space.
To be fair, it appears that they taken over our space. I should not be saying they have not taken over. That is they have been more effective in taking up the issues that we have traditionally championed. That is a fact. Recognising that, we also supported AAP in (Delhi Assembly) constituencies where there were no Left candidates. But the point is that we have seen such waves of new parties coming in and forming state governments. That happened in Assam. It happened in various parts of north India after the JP’s Total Revolution. But none of them sustained. In order to sustain, you require a certain vision and alternative policies. We have been saying that the AAP today lacks that clarity on economic policies and on fight against communalism. And infact, I think we have been vindicated because all the reality shows on the inner AAP problems is actually a reflection of this point. There is no clarity. There is one section talking of something else, another section talking about something else. That is a big problem. They will have to decide on policy direction. We have seen such instances in the past. It is not the first time it has happened.
Janata Parivar is also coming together.
At one level, it is a positive development. But the Janata Parivar coming together only for as an electoral alternative in the face of Bihar and UP polls also cannot sustain. What is their alternative policy? After all, remember, the Left’s contribution to India, from freedom struggle, has been based on two components — the Communist Left and the Socialist Left. This got totally disarrayed from BJP to Congress. The socialist bloc got divided. But they must reunite on an alternative programme. Temporarily, yes against BJP they coming together may be of big help in UP and Bihar. But that also cannot sustain unless they have an alternative, programmatic vision.
What are your organisational worries as party General Secretary? Factionalism, is it worrying you?
These sorts of worries you mention are not the real worries. In our party, you must understand, there is a vibrant inner party democracy. We will have different views always. We are happy that we have different views, otherwise there will be no life. Finally, we come to a common understanding. Even in Vishakhapattanam, the final decision came unanimously. We come to that position. That is a different aspect. Organisationally, the main worry is organisation today is not in a position to reach out to the people, the way it should reach out. Secondly, the organisation today is not attractive to younger generation, the way our ideology should be attractive. After all, Marxism is a modern ideology. We do not talk about India in the past and mythology and all. We are a party with a modern outlook. Why is that we are not attractive to youth? Because our organisational ability to reach the youth, there are some defects obviously. For us, the organisation is our biggest weapon. It is the vehicle between the party and people. Now that has to be vastly improved. That is my biggest challenge and worry. How to overcome that? That is why we decided in the party Congress to have an organisational plenum. Once we have this plenum and set our organisation right, as our links with people expand and our influence starts growing, many of these problems, which you think are major problems, like factionalism etc etc automatically will go into the background.
(Edited Excerpts of this interview was published in Deccan Herald on May 4, 2015)